User:Chelsey.brantley/sandbox: Difference between revisions
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of Mailer’s to make change, his “extra-literary hunger for things to change | of Mailer’s to make change, his “extra-literary hunger for things to change | ||
and change now, in palpable ways rather than in the imaginary, alternative{{pg|490|491}} | and change now, in palpable ways rather than in the imaginary, alternative{{pg|490|491}} | ||
ways in which most artist-novelists deal."{{sfn|Gilman|1968|p=27}} This book is not only | |||
a testimony of civil disobedience but also a story which aims to engender civil disobedience in the reader. | |||
Wherever readers stood on the political continuum, ''Armies'' invites readers | |||
to justify events in the book with their real lives; it allows for “[r]eading | |||
history over the edge of text,” which is a combination of “close reading and | |||
analysis that allow us to get ‘inside’ the narrative, while at the same time we | |||
understand that the narrators and subjects of nonfiction . . . live ‘outside’ the | |||
narrative as well."{{sfn|Lehman|1997|p=3}} This makes for an intense reading experience, | |||
especially if the novelist like Mailer uses his skills to capture an already fascinating | |||
or contentious event. One other factor that might have turned contemporary | |||
readers into implicated readers was the timeliness of the book’s | |||
release: the march was more than mere history it was a recent event when the book was published just seven months after the event—and the controversy | |||
over Vietnam still raged on. | |||
In a nonfiction novel such as ''Armies''the story can take on very real manifestations, | |||
which could lead to political action on the part of readers. A | |||
reader could take measure of his or her own (in)action regarding the war | |||
and choose to act out against the war. Such action is difficult to trace, but in | |||
the case of ''Armies'', Rubin claims the novel “became the Bible of the movement”{{sfn|Manso|1985|p=461}}; Dearborn suggests that “young leftists found it an astute | |||
analysis and were impressed by the passion Mailer brought to the work."{{sfn|Dearborn|1999|p=246}} However, Michael Albert and Noam Chomsky, both major figures in | |||
the anti-war movement, didn’t feel that it made much of an impact within | |||
the movement. Albert recalls “honestly, I doubt if anyone I knew or virtually | |||
anyone in the movement read it, even I didn’t. My guess would be it had [a] | |||
very very modest impact . . . and virtually none inside the movement per | |||
se.” While it is unclear whether it affected those within the movement, it is also difficult to tell how it affected readers just becoming acquainted with the | |||
peace movement. Dearborn indicates that those outside the movement were | |||
touched by the novel: “across the political spectrum, readers who watched | |||
the student movement with varying degrees of approval or censure were | |||
made to understand that what was going on in the streets . . . was a real phenomenon | |||
that had to be taken extremely seriously."{{sfn|Dearborn|1999|p=246}} Furthermore, the | |||
Pulitzer and National Book Award, which were because of the novel, are a | |||
sort of establishment seals of approval—proof that it had reached middle | |||
America. Contemporary reviewers were generous with their praise. The | |||
{{pg|491|492}} | |||
===Citations=== | ===Citations=== | ||