The Mailer Review/Volume 2, 2008/Identity Crisis: A State of the Union Address: Difference between revisions

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In their latest analyses of America’s ills, Mailer’s ''[[Why Are We at War?]]'' (2003) and Vonnegut’s ''[[w:A Man Without a Country|A Man Without a Country]]'' (2005), Mailer and Vonnegut reaffirm their love of democracy and the U.S. Constitution as civilization’s best hopes for a more orderly and saner world. As always, both labor hard on behalf of a society, as Vonnegut writes, “dedicated to the proposition that all men, women and children are created equal and should not starve.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=11}} “It so happens,” Vonnegut says, “that idealism enough for anyone is not made of perfumed clouds. It is the law. It is the U.S. Constitution.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=98}} He praises his two favorite spokesmen for democratic freedoms, [[w:Carl Sandburg|Carl Sandburg]] and [[w:Eugene Victor Debs|Eugene Victor Debs]]: “I would have been tongue-tied,” he says, “in the presence of such national treasures.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=13}} He encourages us all to read Tocqueville’s ''[[w:Democracy in America|Democracy in America]]'' as the best book ever written on the strengths and vulnerabilities inherent in American democracy. Vonnegut asks, “Want a taste of that great book?” Tocqueville says, “and he said it 169 years ago, that in no country other than ours has love of money taken a stronger hold on the affections of men. Okay?”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=8}} Mailer hails democracy as God’s most noble and beautiful experiment, but always “in peril.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=16}}, an existential venture whose delicacy makes it dangerously vulnerable, a “state of grace” attained only by those ready to suffer and even to perish for its freedoms.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=71}} We’ll see later how at the end of ''Why Are We at War?'' this forewarning takes a complex and troubling turn.
In their latest analyses of America’s ills, Mailer’s ''[[Why Are We at War?]]'' (2003) and Vonnegut’s ''[[w:A Man Without a Country|A Man Without a Country]]'' (2005), Mailer and Vonnegut reaffirm their love of democracy and the U.S. Constitution as civilization’s best hopes for a more orderly and saner world. As always, both labor hard on behalf of a society, as Vonnegut writes, “dedicated to the proposition that all men, women and children are created equal and should not starve.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=11}} “It so happens,” Vonnegut says, “that idealism enough for anyone is not made of perfumed clouds. It is the law. It is the U.S. Constitution.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=98}} He praises his two favorite spokesmen for democratic freedoms, [[w:Carl Sandburg|Carl Sandburg]] and [[w:Eugene Victor Debs|Eugene Victor Debs]]: “I would have been tongue-tied,” he says, “in the presence of such national treasures.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=13}} He encourages us all to read Tocqueville’s ''[[w:Democracy in America|Democracy in America]]'' as the best book ever written on the strengths and vulnerabilities inherent in American democracy. Vonnegut asks, “Want a taste of that great book?” Tocqueville says, “and he said it 169 years ago, that in no country other than ours has love of money taken a stronger hold on the affections of men. Okay?”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=8}} Mailer hails democracy as God’s most noble and beautiful experiment, but always “in peril.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=16}}, an existential venture whose delicacy makes it dangerously vulnerable, a “state of grace” attained only by those ready to suffer and even to perish for its freedoms.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=71}} We’ll see later how at the end of ''Why Are We at War?'' this forewarning takes a complex and troubling turn.


But, for the moment, troubling enough is Mailer’s admonition that “([freedom] has to be kept alive every day of our existence,”) because we can all “be swallowed by our miseries ... become weary, give up.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=100,16-17}} The note of futility present in the reference to “giving up” runs throughout ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'', a foreboding, deeply personal sense on the part of both writers that because of the tragic events of 9/11 and what Mailer calls the inestimable “spiritual wreckage”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=23}} that has followed, the state of the union is in terrible and perhaps irremediable trouble. “The notion,” Mailer reports, “that we have an active democracy that controls our fate is not true.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=104}} “Nobody,” he says,“ever said ... that a democracy should be a place where the richest people in the country earn a thousand times more than the poorest.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=103}} The problem is, he adds, that “[t]he people who feel this lack of balance probably make up two thirds of the country, but they don’t want to think about it. They can’t, after all, do a damn thing about it.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=104}} Vonnegut feels that his own personal democratic dream of a community with kindness, fairness, mercy, and mutual respect at its core has been so betrayed by the forces of selfishness and greed that he is now, as his title suggests, a man without a country. "I myself,” he says "feel that our country, for whose constitution I fought in a just war, might as well have been invaded by Martians and body snatchers. Sometimes I wish it was. What has happened is that it was taken over by means of the sleaziest, low-comedy, Keystone Cops-style coup d’etat imaginable,{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=98-99}} which “disconnected all the burglar alarms prescribed by the Constitution, which is to say The House and Senate and the Supreme Court.” Vonnegut observes that “our daily news sources, newspapers and TV are now so craven, so unvigilant on behalf of the American people, so uninformative, that only in books do we learn what’s really going on.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=103}} Mailer decries the same lack of courage and will on the part of the liberal media and prominent liberal senators.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=65}}
But, for the moment, troubling enough is Mailer’s admonition that “([freedom] has to be kept alive every day of our existence,”) because we can all “be swallowed by our miseries ... become weary, give up.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=100,16-17}} The note of futility present in the reference to “giving up” runs throughout ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'', a foreboding, deeply personal sense on the part of both writers that because of the tragic events of 9/11 and what Mailer calls the inestimable “spiritual wreckage”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=23}} that has followed, the state of the union is in terrible and perhaps irremediable trouble. “The notion,” Mailer reports, “that we have an active democracy that controls our fate is not true.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=104}} “Nobody,” he says, “ever said ... that a democracy should be a place where the richest people in the country earn a thousand times more than the poorest.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=103}} The problem is, he adds, that “[t]he people who feel this lack of balance probably make up two thirds of the country, but they don’t want to think about it. They can’t, after all, do a damn thing about it.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=104}} Vonnegut feels that his own personal democratic dream of a community with kindness, fairness, mercy, and mutual respect at its core has been so betrayed by the forces of selfishness and greed that he is now, as his title suggests, a man without a country. "I myself,” he says "feel that our country, for whose constitution I fought in a just war, might as well have been invaded by Martians and body snatchers. Sometimes I wish it was. What has happened is that it was taken over by means of the sleaziest, low-comedy, Keystone Cops-style coup d’etat imaginable,{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=98-99}} which “disconnected all the burglar alarms prescribed by the Constitution, which is to say The House and Senate and the Supreme Court.” Vonnegut observes that “our daily news sources, newspapers and TV are now so craven, so unvigilant on behalf of the American people, so uninformative, that only in books do we learn what’s really going on.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=103}} Mailer decries the same lack of courage and will on the part of the liberal media and prominent liberal senators.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=65}}


Like Mailer, Vonnegut also despairs that “I don’t think people give a damn whether the planet goes or not ... I know of very few people who are dreaming of a world for their grandchildren.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=70-71}} What he says is probably making him “unfunny” now for the rest of his life is that he knows that “there is not a chance in hell” of America becoming the humane and reasonable place of which so many of his generation used to dream.{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=71-72}}
Like Mailer, Vonnegut also despairs that “I don’t think people give a damn whether the planet goes or not ... I know of very few people who are dreaming of a world for their grandchildren.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=70-71}} What he says is probably making him “unfunny” now for the rest of his life is that he knows that “there is not a chance in hell” of America becoming the humane and reasonable place of which so many of his generation used to dream.{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=71-72}}
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And of course, Mailer says, once we became a twentieth-century embodiment of the Old Roman Empire, fascism at home was a foregone conclusion. That totalitarian state against which he and Vonnegut had so long warned would quickly be a ''fait accompli''. “Homeland Security,” Mailer says, “has put the machinery in place.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105}}  Reminding us that “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts us absolutely,” Vonnegut views our leaders as “power drunk” chimpanzees{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=71-72}} with “an international military machine huge enough to conquer all adversaries,” and assuring a stronger police presence at home that Mailer calls a “species of most powerful censor over civilian life.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=153}}
And of course, Mailer says, once we became a twentieth-century embodiment of the Old Roman Empire, fascism at home was a foregone conclusion. That totalitarian state against which he and Vonnegut had so long warned would quickly be a ''fait accompli''. “Homeland Security,” Mailer says, “has put the machinery in place.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105}}  Reminding us that “power corrupts and absolute power corrupts us absolutely,” Vonnegut views our leaders as “power drunk” chimpanzees{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=71-72}} with “an international military machine huge enough to conquer all adversaries,” and assuring a stronger police presence at home that Mailer calls a “species of most powerful censor over civilian life.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=153}}


What, then, does such a dire message about the precarious if not moribund state of our union bode for the ability of Mailer and Vonnegut to continue serving as healers and providers of spiritual direction when their own spiritual wound—their deepening pessimism, I mean—appears so grave? As we’ve seen, their prognosis for a national cure is not cheery.“There’s just too much anger here,” Mailer says, “ . . . too much shock, too much identity crisis.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105}} He argues that to protect against fascism, we must hold freedom to be more important than security and thus learn to live with anxiety—a “tolerable level to terror.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=107}} Yet, the people who are running the country, he believes, “simply do not have the character or wisdom to fight for the concept of freedom if we suffer horrors ... not if we suffer dirty bombs, terrorist attacks on a huge scale, virulent diseases.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105-106}} Nevertheless, Mailer continues to affirm the existential principle that has informed his work from first to last—that at any time life can come together again and mankind can be regenerated. Mailer grants that 9/11 was clearly a day on which the Devil won a great battle, but sees the greater struggle between God and Satan for dominion over the earth and mankind’s embattled soul as undetermined.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=111}} “There are pro-democratic forces in America,” he says, “that assert themselves when you don’t expect them to.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105}} On a more personal level, he asks, how he can hate a country that has given him the opportunities he’s had, “the extraordinary freedom to be able to think the way I think” and not be hauled off in chains.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=109}}  
What, then, does such a dire message about the precarious if not moribund state of our union bode for the ability of Mailer and Vonnegut to continue serving as healers and providers of spiritual direction when their own spiritual wound—their deepening pessimism, I mean—appears so grave? As we’ve seen, their prognosis for a national cure is not cheery. “There’s just too much anger here,” Mailer says, “ . . . too much shock, too much identity crisis.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105}} He argues that to protect against fascism, we must hold freedom to be more important than security and thus learn to live with anxiety—a “tolerable level to terror.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=107}} Yet, the people who are running the country, he believes, “simply do not have the character or wisdom to fight for the concept of freedom if we suffer horrors ... not if we suffer dirty bombs, terrorist attacks on a huge scale, virulent diseases.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105-106}} Nevertheless, Mailer continues to affirm the existential principle that has informed his work from first to last—that at any time life can come together again and mankind can be regenerated. Mailer grants that 9/11 was clearly a day on which the Devil won a great battle, but sees the greater struggle between God and Satan for dominion over the earth and mankind’s embattled soul as undetermined.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=111}} “There are pro-democratic forces in America,” he says, “that assert themselves when you don’t expect them to.”{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=105}} On a more personal level, he asks, how he can hate a country that has given him the opportunities he’s had, “the extraordinary freedom to be able to think the way I think” and not be hauled off in chains.{{sfn|Mailer|2003|p=109}}  


Mailer’s hopes rest mainly in prospects for a political turnaround in the 2008 election. In a recent essay entitled, “Empire Building: America and Its War with the Invisible Kingdom of Satan,” Mailer proposes that what must happen is that candidates be found with sufficient zeal to convince the flag conservatives that “these much-derided liberals live much more closely than the Republicans in the real spirit of Jesus. Whether they believe every word of Scripture or not, it is still these liberals rather than the Republicans who worry about the fate of the poor, the afflicted, the needy, and the disturbed.... They are more ready to save the forests, refresh the air of the cit- ies and clean up the rivers.”{{sfn|Mailer|2005}} Such sentiments are of course Vonnegutian to the core. If Vonnegut’s reckoning of America’s future at this point is notably darker than Mailer’s, Vonnegut’s heroes are still Abraham Lincoln, Eugene V. Debs, and Jesus Christ, and Vonnegut still touts the message of mercy and pity in the Sermon on the Mount as the world’s best hope for moral reform. He praises librarians all over the country for resisting the “anti-democratic bullies” who tried to remove books from their shelves.{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=102}} And however demoralized, he continued to speak out against the war in rallies and countless interviews. On his own personal note, he says that “no matter how corrupt, greedy, and heartless our government, our corporations, and our media ... may become, the music will still be wonderful.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=66}} He still finds creativity, practicing a work of art, as rewarding in itself, however sparse the audience.
Mailer’s hopes rest mainly in prospects for a political turnaround in the 2008 election. In a recent essay entitled, “Empire Building: America and Its War with the Invisible Kingdom of Satan,” Mailer proposes that what must happen is that candidates be found with sufficient zeal to convince the flag conservatives that “these much-derided liberals live much more closely than the Republicans in the real spirit of Jesus. Whether they believe every word of Scripture or not, it is still these liberals rather than the Republicans who worry about the fate of the poor, the afflicted, the needy, and the disturbed.... They are more ready to save the forests, refresh the air of the cities and clean up the rivers.”{{sfn|Mailer|2005}} Such sentiments are of course Vonnegutian to the core. If Vonnegut’s reckoning of America’s future at this point is notably darker than Mailer’s, Vonnegut’s heroes are still Abraham Lincoln, Eugene V. Debs, and Jesus Christ, and Vonnegut still touts the message of mercy and pity in the Sermon on the Mount as the world’s best hope for moral reform. He praises librarians all over the country for resisting the “anti-democratic bullies” who tried to remove books from their shelves.{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=102}} And however demoralized, he continued to speak out against the war in rallies and countless interviews. On his own personal note, he says that “no matter how corrupt, greedy, and heartless our government, our corporations, and our media ... may become, the music will still be wonderful.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=66}} He still finds creativity, practicing a work of art, as rewarding in itself, however sparse the audience.


On the one hand, it is clear to me that ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'' read more funereally than as prescriptions for a better world. Equally clear is that neither writer believes they had the power now either personally or artistically to repair or elevate the American soul, so vast, complex, and divided. “Let’s not have a false notion of our possibilities,” Mailer says. “We’re not noble enough to fulfill that scheme. Let’s live at the level we’re at.” Those are words said in an earlier interview about the country,{{sfn|American Masters|2000}} but they apply dolefully for the role of shaman. So why with such scant reason to cheer was it not depression or remorse I heard in the canary bird’s diminished voice but something curiously buoyant and relieved, as if the shaman had been freed from some great burden? Why, for instance, would Vonnegut speak not of personal hopelessness, but of a process of becoming—an existential condition to which Mailer would readily relate? Vonnegut declares, “I really don’t know what I’m going to become from now on. I don’t think I can control my life or my writing ... I’m simply becoming.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=130}} Why would Mailer declare almost unequivocally that he was not unhappy, a discouraged shaman, yes, but not an unhappy man? I found the answer in Mailer’s self-interview called “Mailer on Mailer.” He explains, “I’ve always felt that my relationship to America is analogous to a marriage. I love this country. I hate it. I get angry at it. I feel close to it. I’m charmed by it. I’m repelled by it. It’s a marriage that has gone on for at least the fifty years of my writing life. And in the course of that marriage what’s happened is the marriage has gotten worse. It is not what it used to be."{{sfn|American Masters|2000}} Mailer was a man without a country, too, at least the country he had loved, and ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'' are divorce proclamations. One thinks of Fitzgerald and his protagonist Dick Diver, men who must separate from hopelessly schizophrenic women to save their own sanity. If I am not taking the affirmation of ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'' too far, this severing from what D. H. Lawrence called the “bitch goddess success,” whose seductive wiles are power and material lusts, constitutes not only self-preservation, lest the healer become the patient, but an act of personal and artistic renewal. This is the classic resolution of identity in turmoil that rescues Stephen Dedalus at the end of ''[[w:A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man|A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man]]''. Repudiating a country whose ideals had been grotesquely betrayed by cultural [[w:Philistinism|philistinism]], degraded religion, and wholly corrupt politics, Stephen achieves the necessary independence and self-possession to fulfill his destiny as artist. “So be it,” Stephen says, “Welcome, O Life!” As for Mailer and Vonnegut, who knows what new thinking or new art might come from such self-possession and rededication to the muse within? Wasn’t this what Vonnegut meant at the end of ''[[w:Fates Worse Than Death|Fates Worse Than Death]]'' when he says, “Hopelessness is the mother of Originality.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|1991|p=237}} “As you grow older,” Mailer says, “you have other things in your life besides your country. I have my family and I have my work.”{{sfn|American Masters|2000}} If his country is not as great or noble as he had hoped it is, it allowed him the freedom to think and write as he wished. If, as for Vonnnegut, that greatest of all human dreams were already behind him, it would be enough to serve as witness, if not to change the world—to meditate upon the perversities and wonders of his times.
On the one hand, it is clear to me that ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'' read more funereally than as prescriptions for a better world. Equally clear is that neither writer believes they had the power now either personally or artistically to repair or elevate the American soul, so vast, complex, and divided. “Let’s not have a false notion of our possibilities,” Mailer says. “We’re not noble enough to fulfill that scheme. Let’s live at the level we’re at.” Those are words said in an earlier interview about the country,{{sfn|American Masters|2000}} but they apply dolefully for the role of shaman. So why with such scant reason to cheer was it not depression or remorse I heard in the canary bird’s diminished voice but something curiously buoyant and relieved, as if the shaman had been freed from some great burden? Why, for instance, would Vonnegut speak not of personal hopelessness, but of a process of becoming—an existential condition to which Mailer would readily relate? Vonnegut declares, “I really don’t know what I’m going to become from now on. I don’t think I can control my life or my writing ... I’m simply becoming.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|2005|p=130}} Why would Mailer declare almost unequivocally that he was not unhappy, a discouraged shaman, yes, but not an unhappy man? I found the answer in Mailer’s self-interview called “Mailer on Mailer.” He explains, “I’ve always felt that my relationship to America is analogous to a marriage. I love this country. I hate it. I get angry at it. I feel close to it. I’m charmed by it. I’m repelled by it. It’s a marriage that has gone on for at least the fifty years of my writing life. And in the course of that marriage what’s happened is the marriage has gotten worse. It is not what it used to be."{{sfn|American Masters|2000}} Mailer was a man without a country, too, at least the country he had loved, and ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'' are divorce proclamations. One thinks of Fitzgerald and his protagonist Dick Diver, men who must separate from hopelessly schizophrenic women to save their own sanity. If I am not taking the affirmation of ''Why Are We at War?'' and ''A Man without a Country'' too far, this severing from what D. H. Lawrence called the “bitch goddess success,” whose seductive wiles are power and material lusts, constitutes not only self-preservation, lest the healer become the patient, but an act of personal and artistic renewal. This is the classic resolution of identity in turmoil that rescues Stephen Dedalus at the end of ''[[w:A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man|A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man]]''. Repudiating a country whose ideals had been grotesquely betrayed by cultural [[w:Philistinism|philistinism]], degraded religion, and wholly corrupt politics, Stephen achieves the necessary independence and self-possession to fulfill his destiny as artist. “So be it,” Stephen says, “Welcome, O Life!” As for Mailer and Vonnegut, who knows what new thinking or new art might come from such self-possession and rededication to the muse within? Wasn’t this what Vonnegut meant at the end of ''[[w:Fates Worse Than Death|Fates Worse Than Death]]'' when he says, “Hopelessness is the mother of Originality.”{{sfn|Vonnegut|1991|p=237}} “As you grow older,” Mailer says, “you have other things in your life besides your country. I have my family and I have my work.”{{sfn|American Masters|2000}} If his country is not as great or noble as he had hoped it is, it allowed him the freedom to think and write as he wished. If, as for Vonnnegut, that greatest of all human dreams were already behind him, it would be enough to serve as witness, if not to change the world—to meditate upon the perversities and wonders of his times.
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* {{cite book |last= Vonnegut|first= Kurt|date= 1991|title= Fates Worse Than Death|url= |location= New York|publisher= Berkley Books |pages= |isbn= |author-link= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last= Vonnegut|first= Kurt|date= 1991|title= Fates Worse Than Death|url= |location= New York|publisher= Berkley Books |pages= |isbn= |author-link= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite web |url=https://inthesetimes.com/article/kurt-vonnegut-vs-the |title= Kurt Vonnegut vs. the !&#*!@: Interview with Joel Bleifuss|last= Vonnegut|first= Kurt |authormask=1 |date= 27 January 2003|website= In These Times|publisher= |access-date= February 24, 2008|quote= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite web |url=https://inthesetimes.com/article/kurt-vonnegut-vs-the |title= Kurt Vonnegut vs. the !&#*!@: Interview with Joel Bleifuss|last= Vonnegut|first= Kurt |authormask=1 |date= 27 January 2003|website= In These Times|publisher= |access-date= February 24, 2008|quote= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last= Vonnegut|first= Kurt |authormask=1 |date= 2005|title= A Man without a Country|url= |location= New York|publisher= Seven Stories Press|pages= |isbn= |author-link= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last= Vonnegut|first= Kurt |authormask=1 |date= 2005|title= A Man Without a Country|url= |location= New York|publisher= Seven Stories Press|pages= |isbn= |author-link= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Vonnegut |first=Kurt |authormask=1 |date=1965 |title=Wampeters, Foma & Granfalloons (Opinions) |url= |location=New York |publisher=Dell |pages= |isbn= |author-link= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Vonnegut |first=Kurt |authormask=1 |date=1965 |title=Wampeters, Foma & Granfalloons (Opinions) |url= |location=New York |publisher=Dell |pages= |isbn= |author-link= |ref=harv }}
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