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Abstract:The Spanish Civil War began in July 1936 as a rebellion of generals against the Republic’s electorally-restored left-leaning government. Hemingway held a
deep love for Spain dating from his trips to the bullfights in the early 1920s. He finally made it to the war-torn country in March of 1937 to report on the war for the North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA), to assess the situation in his role as chairman of the ambulance corps committee of the pro-Republican American Friends of Spanish Democracy. By war’s end in April 1939, Hemingway would make four trips to Spain and write thirty-one dispatches.


THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR BEGAN ON 17–18 JULY, 1936 as a rebellion of generals against the Republic’s electorally-restored left-leaning government. Hemingway held a deep love for Spain dating from his trips to the bullfights in the early 1920s. He finally made it to the war-torn country in March of 1937 to report on the war for the North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA), to assess the situation in his role as chairman of the ambulance corps committee of the pro-Republican American Friends of Spanish Democracy, to collaborate with Dutch filmmaker Joris Ivens on the pro-Republican documentary ''The Spanish Earth'', and to pursue his fledgling love affair with Martha Gellhorn.


===Naked and the dead===
{{dc|dc=P|aul Boyer points out that in most of the major American novels}}  of the
immediate post-Hiroshima years—Lionel Trilling’s ''The Middle of the Journey'';
Saul Bellow’s ''The Victim''; Norman Mailer’s ''The Naked and the Dead''—
“the atomic bomb is notable by its absence.”{{sfn|Boyer|1985|p=246}}  Mailer’s 1948 war novel
adheres to the era’s avoidance of the atomic bomb by focusing on acceptable
socio-political issues, but differs from other war novels of the period through
its preoccupation with the uncanny, defined by Freud in his seminal essay on
the topic as a profound dread provoked “either when infantile complexes
which have been repressed are once more revived by some impression, or
when primitive beliefs which have been surmounted seem once more to be
confirmed.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=639}} Although the uncanny remains an often frustratingly
broad topic, mostly because it is a concept “whose entire denotation is a connotation,” most critics adhere to Freud’s definition of the uncanny
as something familiar made strange.{{sfn|Cixous|1976|p=528}} {{efn|Freud’s article on the uncanny remains a seminal text, but in recent years the uncanny’s boundlessness
has seen it approached via the works of postmodern thinkers such as Jean-Francois Lyotard
and Jacques Derrida. For a discussion of the uncanny as a trope of deconstruction see
Nicholas Royle, ''The Uncanny'' (Manchester: Manchester UP, 2003). The uncanny has also become
a trope of postcolonialism; see Homi Bhabha, ''The Location of Culture'' (London and New
York: Routledge, 1994); and Julia Kristeva, ''Strangers to Ourselves'', trans. Leon S. Roudliez (New
York: Columbia UP, 1991); feminism; see Hélène Cixous, “Fiction and Its Phantoms: A Reading
of Freud’s ''Das Unheimlich'',” ''New Literary History 7.3'' (Spring 1976); and psychoanalysis; see Ernst
Jentsch, “On the Psychology of the Uncanny,” trans. Roy Sellars, ''Angelaki'' 2.1 (1995); and Sigmund
Freud, “The Uncanny,” trans. James Strachey, ''New Literary History'' 7.3 (Spring 1976). For
other significant studies of the uncanny see Terry Castle, ''The Female Thermometer: 18th Century
Culture and the Invention of the Uncanny'' (New York: Oxford UP, 1995); Anthony Vidler, ''The Architectural
Uncanny: Essays in the Modern Unhomely'' (Cambridge:MIT Press, 1994); Hal Foster,
''Compulsive Beauty'' (Cambridge,MA: MIT Press, 1993); Gordon Slethaug, ''The Play of the Double
in Postmodern American Fiction'' (Carbondale: Southern Illinois UP, 1993); and Paul Coates,
''The Double and the Other'' (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1998).}}  Intellectual uncertainty
regarding the animate nature of what is inanimate and vice versa (as provoked
by automatons or episodes of uncontrollable behavior), and the “return
of the repressed” are all deemed capable of eliciting profound
discomfort. Mailer’s ostensibly realist text is complicated by its depiction of
weird mechanical soldiers who are plagued with superstitions regarding
death and filled with dread provoked by an oddly menacing environment.
This conscious use of the uncanny illustrates popular postwar concerns {{pg|471|472}}  connected with conformity and totalitarianism, but the real strangeness of ''The Naked and the Dead'' relies on its ability to reveal unconscious fears connected with Mailer’s personal uncertainties regarding his writing and cultural unease about the atomic bomb.


The destruction of Nagasaki and Hiroshima and the annihilation of their
By war’s end in April 1939, Hemingway would make four trips to Spain and write thirty-one dispatches for NANA.{{sfn|Watson|1988|p=4}}{{efn| Quotations from the NANA dispatches follow the Diplomatic Text established by William Braasch Watson’s “Hemingway’s Spanish Civil War Dispatches.” I prefer NANA’s titles rather than Watson’s. For my disagreements with some of Watson’s datings, see my comments on specific dispatches in ''Hemingway’s Second War.''}} The secondary sources habitually judge them inferior journalism. Carlos Baker in the first Hemingway biography, for example, complains that the dialogue was “so heavily stamped with personal mannerisms as to be of doubtful authenticity.” Baker sees a “curious monotony in his stories of battles and bombardments,” a gratuitous use of graphic imagery “to shock his readers,and “a note of triumphant boastfulness” in reporting proximity to danger. He also faults Hemingway for “often hint[ing] he was alone when in fact he was usually with Martha Gellhorn, Matthews, and Delmer.” Hemingway lacked Dos Passos’ “eye for telling details” and the “meticulous exactitude and inclusiveness that characterized the best work of Herbert Matthews and Sefton Delmer.{{sfn|Baker|1969|p=329}}  
civilian populations are never mentioned in novels such as Herman Wouk’s
''The Caine Mutiny'' (1951) and James Gould Cozzens’ ''Guard of Honor'' (1948),
novels which purport to be about World War II but which exclude a fundamental
part of the conflict. As Paul Brians points out, “nuclear war must be
the most carefully avoided topic of general significance in the contemporary
world.{{sfn|Brians|1987|p=17}} Although the bomb provoked significant debate in the
newspapers of 1945, there was a silence in serious literature revealing both the
difficulty of representing mass death and how well that mass death was repressed.{{efn|The first, and really only, in-depth writing on the atomic bomb by an American in the period
was John Hersey’s article “Hiroshima” published in ''The New Yorker'' in 1946, which relates the
experiences of six Hiroshima residents on the day of the attack. Before Hersey’s piece, the majority
of discussions about the atomic bomb in the popular press focused on statistics of devastation
rather than the human toll, chiefly to encourage international control of atomic power
or promote civil defense. Hersey was the first to tackle the effects of the bomb on its Japanese
victims, yet his dry journalistic tone struck some readers as oddly dispassionate. The effect of
Hersey’s approach, however journalistically appropriate, was to spare readers emotional engagement
with the bomb’s victims. One reader wrote to ''The New Yorker'' commending Hersey’s
report for reasons the author might not have anticipated: “I read Hersey’s report. It was marvellous.
Now let us drop a handful on Moscow.” For an in-depth discussion of this topic, see
Joseph Luft and W. M. Wheeler, “Reaction to John Hersey’s ''Hiroshima'',” ''Journal of Social Psychology''
28 (Aug 1948): 135–40.}}  Although nearly 100,00 feet of color film were filmed of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki by Air Force film crews following the bombings, the
entirety of this documentation was classified top secret because of the horror
it revealed.{{sfn|Norris|2000|p=184}} The human toll of the atomic bomb was so repressed
that in 1955 when the “Hiroshima Maidens” visited the United States
in order to have corrective surgery for their radiation burns (a trip organized
by a group of Americans), some people were so threatened by this reification
of American atrocity that they wondered whether the organizers of the visit
were Communist agents.{{sfn|Filreis|2007|p=}}  


The difficulties inherent in the representation of mass death were exacerbated
Philip Knightley’s ''The First Casualty'', the standard history of war correspondence, paraphrases Baker but with a trouncing final judgment:{{pg|427|428}}Hemingway’s “performance as a war correspondent was abysmally bad.” But Knightley goes beyond “technical” dissatisfaction to moral condemnation. Not just “unjustifiably optimistic”—an excusable offense—Hemingway’s reporting was “unforgivable” in its “total failure to report the Communist persecution, imprisonment, and summary execution of ‘untrustworthy elements’ on the Republican side, when he knew this was happening and when disclosing it might well have prevented further horrors like this.
in America during the late 1940s and early 1950s by increasing conformity
{{sfn|Knightley|2004 |pp=231–32}}{{efn|In my view, Knightley does not sufficiently acknowledge his paraphrasing of Baker.}}
and widespread consensus, especially regarding the military. Mailer
points out that a period of Cold War is “obviously equal to greater censorship”
and suggests that “[i]f good writers write novels which are conventionally
obscene or exceptionally radical, you can be sure that they would
have one hell of a time getting their books published.”{{sfn|Mailer|n.d.|p=23}} Although he establishes a clear delineation between an artist who “follows
his own nature” and commercial talents who “do what they are obliged
to do, and say what they are obliged to say,”  
Mailer’s desire for literary individualism coexisted with a strong desire for
popular success, which countered his radicalism with a certain amount of accommodation
to consensus.{{sfn|Mailer|n.d.|p=25}} Despite the fact that ''The Naked and the Dead'' depicts the Pacific conflict against the Japanese, Mailer adheres to the era’s
avoidance of the bomb. When asked in an interview whether he believed {{pg|472|473}}  that people want to “look into the abyss,” he replied, “No, I don’t. I think it’s very hard. I think people are petrified of it.”{{sfn|Mailer|n.d.|p=45}}  


Mailer describes his first novel as “the book of a young engineer” written “mechanically” with the aid of a “sturdy” working plan utilizing extensive character dossiers and charts, thus emphasizing its consciously controlled construction.{{sfn|Mailer|1964|p=13}} Yet while the text’s comprehensive character
Such criticisms in the final analysis might bear out. As Scott Donaldson writes, Hemingway advanced the Republican cause in his dispatches by eliciting “the deepest possible feelings of horror and of sympathy for the victims” of the Madrid bombardment; his “undue optimism” often “ignored Loyalist defeats and exaggerated the importance of its victories”; and “he repeatedly called attention to the participation of Italians and Germans on Franco’s side.”{{sfn|Donaldson|2009|p=426}} It also served as a recruitment tool—Milton Wolff, for example, acknowledged the strong influence Hemingway’s dispatches had on his decision to volunteer. Nevertheless, I think it a worthwhile exercise to attend a little more studiously to Hemingway’s dispatches, their context, and their artistry. I don’t necessarily intend to reverse the general opinion of the correspondence, only to achieve a better and more sympathetic understanding.
studies and minute details regarding the hardships of military life
contribute to a sense of its depiction of the gritty reality of war, the reality Mailer presents remained palatable enough to render the book a bestseller. One review highlights its canny way of appearing to leave “nothing to the imagination” while exposing “the blood, if not always the guts, of war.”{{sfn|Dempsey|1948|p=6}} During the 1950s, Mailer became aware of a division in his mind between a “conscious intelligence” engaged with political issues and an unconscious mind “much more interested in other matters: murder, suicide, orgy, psychosis.”{{sfn|Mailer|1964|p=15}} This fascination with unconscious material, unacknowledged at the time of writing ''The Naked and the Dead'', explains
the text’s oscillation between familiar conventions of realism and a
realism rendered uncannily strange. Although Mailer’s narrative strategy is
designed to resist unconscious preoccupations, it cannot entirely keep them at bay. As Mailer himself points out, writing is “a very ''odd, spooky'' activity” and surging beneath the novel’s conscious delineation of
socio-political issues are darker unconscious themes connected to Mailer’s
haunting problem: the unbridgeable gap between his conscious and unconscious
concerns.{{sfn|Mailer|n.d.|p=142}}


The conscious theme of the novel can be summarized as power: “the power
Herbert Matthews’ reporting for the New York Times will serve as a convenient comparison for two reasons. First, because both Baker and Knightley use Matthews’ journalism as the standard of excellence to pass judgment on Hemingway’s; and second, because the two worked practically side-by-side, seeing and reporting on many of the same events. In fact so closely did they work together that NANA sometimes complained that the Times was not buying Hemingway’s pieces because they resembled Matthews,’ and at one point Matthews’ own editors at the Times suspected him of plagiarizing Hemingway.{{sfn|Donaldson|2009|pp=411, 420}} A note from Matthews’ assigned editor Raymond McCaw provides, in two columns, seven quite similar passages from Hemingway’s Aragon front dispatches of September 13 and 14 with Matthews’ of September 14, with a penciled note at the bottom: “a deadly parallel if you ask me.”{{sfn|McCaw|1937|p=Note}} Edwin James, the managing editor and McCaw’s boss, eventually agreed with Matthews’ defense: “It is quite apparent that you did not file any duplicate of the Hemingway story, or vice versa. As I understand it, the similarity arose from the fact that you{{pg|428|429}}both went to see the same show and saw it at the same time [sic], under the same conditions.{{sfn|James|1937|p=Herbert}}  
of man overman, the power of military force, the power of political thought
and polemic, the inexorable power of events on the lives of men.{{sfn|Jones|1976|p=97}} The platoon consists of one of almost every representative American type
whose differences in class, politics, race and religion guarantee personal conflict. Mailer’s characters behave in ways controlled by their socio-economic
backgrounds, which aligns ''The Naked and the Dead'' with the naturalistic
works of writers such as Stephen Crane and John Dos Passos, but as much as
individual powerlessness over fate is a part of the naturalistic worldview,
much of this concern springs from Cold War sociological issues that would
eventually develop into the popular figure of the corporate-controlled “organization man” as outlined in William Whyte’s non-fiction study ''The''{{pg|473|474}} ''Organization Man'' and fictionalized in popular novels such as Sloan Wilson’s ''The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit.'' Mailer’s political interests see the novel exploring the potential for the forces fighting fascism to behave in similarly totalitarian ways. A review in the ''New York Times'' reveals how carefully Mailer handled this potentially subversive theme when it points out that “Mr. Mailer obviously doesn’t like war, or the people who fight it,” but concludes that he is attempting to show “that much of its unpleasantness comes from the nature of the participants” rather than from any implicit problem with the American military.{{sfn|Dempsey|1948|p=6}}  


The nature of the war’s participants in ''The Naked and the Dead'' connects
Matthews’ dispatches ring of Republican bias as much if not more than anything Hemingway ever filed. The Times received many letters to the editor complaining about Matthews’ undisguised politics, which also gave serious concern to some of his editors. His description of the Republican May 1937 infighting in Barcelona is a striking example of how his news veered into propaganda and shows just how much he passed along the government’s version of events. The government’s “BLOODLESS TRIUMPH FOUGHT WITH RECOGNIZEDWEAPONS OF DEMOCRACY” turned out to be blatantly false, as the government and the “COMMUNISTS [WHO] DISTINGUISHED THEMSELVES” resorted to violent suppression. His blaming the uprising on the anarchist CNT working as Franco operatives parrots the government’s and the communist party’s public position, even though both charges—that the anarchists precipitated the events and that they were under Nationalist direction—were also false. His dispatch’s optimistic close also equivocates the political reality: “NEW GOVERNMENT HAS TAKEN POWER WHICH APPEARS TOVE CONFIDENCE VAST MAJORITY SPANIARDS IN LOYALIST TERRITORY AND TIS HOPED WILL GAIN EQUAL CONFIDENCE ABROAD STOP VIOLENCE AND REVOLUTION BEEN REPUDIATED AND NEWAND FAR HOPEFULLER PERIOD SEEMS BEGINNING.”{{sfn|McCaw|1937|p=May}}
the novel to issues deemed relevant to postwar American life. Mailer
The Times, knowing full well the one-sided coverage of a correspondent writing from one side of the conflict, had a reporter on both sides: Matthews with the Republicans, and William Carney with the Nationalists. They got their facts right (or wrong) as often as the other, their editors concluded; and they inspired about the same number of letters of complaint.{{sfn|James|1937|p=Bertrand}}{sfn|James|1939|p=Tenney}} 
suggests,


{{quote| It was as if back in the late Forties and early Fifties a great many people unconsciously began to sense that they were getting further
Furthermore, Matthews’ dispatches received a great deal of substantive editorial revisions. One of Matthews’ Teruel reports had to be cut for length, as McCaw informed James: “This bird sent 2844 words on the same facts which Hemingway covered much better in less than half that number. I wonder if Matthews thinks the paper is thriving, and that cable tolls do not matter a damn. Of course, it had to be cut for space anyway.” McCaw most likely refers here to Matthews’ dispatch corresponding to Hemingway’s “The Attack on Teruel,” though Matthews’ account of the fall of Teruel is also much longer (and more long-winded) than Hemingway’s, and just as personal in terms of describing the dangers{{pg|429|430}} he faced. Indeed its length allows him to share even more of the action he endured.{{sfn|McCaw|1937|p=December}}
and further away from themselves. There was something
funny in the scheme of things. The whole apparatus of the buildings
about us, the things we read, the things we eat, the things we
see for entertainment, the philosophies about us, the faiths—everything was making it harder and harder for someone to have a sense of identity.{{sfn|Mailer|n.d.|pp=199-200}} }}


Mailer’s apprehension of something wrong in postwar life defies clear expression
Raymond McCaw held a general professional disagreement with Matthews perhaps tainted with over zealousness. Whether a personal or political motive informed that disagreement can’t be determined from the evidence I’ve seen. It is also clear that McCaw’s charges bear some validity—that any responsible editor could have easily and reasonably taken issue where McCaw did. One of the more interesting examples concerns Matthews’ piece on Guadalajara. Because he only saw evidence on Franco’s side of Italian forces, he only reported on Italians. But the Times editors heard from other sources that German soldiers also participated in the March offensive. They thought it prudent, from this confusion, to change (nine times) “Italian” to “Rebel,” “the foe,” or “Insurgent.” When Matthews saw the published piece he wrote a strenuous objection. In some instances the editors changed paraphrased quotations from his sources. One large paragraph omitted by the editors stressed the first-hand nature of the information, and Matthews underlines the key words: “All day, at every place we stopped and no matter whom we talked to or what we saw, there was only one label—Italian. The dead bodies, the prisoners, the material of every kind, the men who had occupied Brihuega and then fled were Italian and nothing but Italian.” Here and elsewhere in his original story, Matthews emphasizes the “personal knowledge” of its information.{{sfn|Matthews|1937|p=April}}{{efn|James supported McCaw on these changes, though later acknowledged that altering quoted sources was perhaps unwarranted.{{sfn|Matthews|1937|p=Herbert}}}} Yet Matthews did not report on the foreigners fighting for the Republic—it was in fact the Italian Garibali Battalion that routed Franco’s Italians. We might surmise government censorship behind this silence, though Matthews would not cable news of “CENSORSHIP STRICTER” and “BAN ON MENTIONING INTERNATIONALS INCLUDING AMERICANS INSTITUTED TODAY” until July.{{sfn|Matthews|1937|p=July}} Perhaps he cautiously self-censored, or politically self-censored for the same reasons the government would eventually ban mention. Still, his stridency about the omission of foreigners on one side is striking given his knowledge of their contribution to the other side. For this reason too, and his omission of other nationalities on the insurgent side, it seemed only fair to his editor “to stand on the statement that the majority of the Rebels were Italians and let it go at that.”{{sfn|James|1937|p=Sulzberger}} A reasonable decision.  
and his grammatical errors between the past and present tense reveal something of the troubling vagueness of this estrangement. Loss of individual identity is linked with an obscure dread, suggesting that the loss
of self in an era of conformity registers as uncanny. Mailer’s depiction of the subservience of the individual is far more worrying than other novels of the era concerned with the same theme, and his soldier automatons represent a
disturbing manifestation of the loss of humanity.


Among all the psychical uncertainties that can evoke an uncanny feeling,
Throughout his correspondence to his editors and his several books,{{pg|430|431}}Matthews maintained a passionate defense of his eyewitness journalistic standard, a position those close to him understood. “Matthews never believed anything he had not seen with his own eyes,” Joris Ivens wrote. “He never saw his job as reporter as one that permitted him to sit in his hotel and read the handouts of the War Ministry.” {{sfn|Ivens|1969|p=112 Sidney Franklin recalls that some writers wrote their pieces before arriving in Madrid, and came only for the “legitimacy” of the Madrid dateline.{{sfn|Franklin|1952|p=232}} And Matthews hated, on principle, having his name attached to an article that violated the integrity of his witness. The only way to achieve objectivity, for Matthews, was to acknowledge one’s subjective perspective. Writing to his publisher, Matthews argued that “the full documentary value” of his coverage was lost when the editors altered his submissions for “the apparent necessity of giving more or less equal space to both sides.”{{sfn|Matthews|1937|p=Sulzberger}}  
doubt regarding the animate and the inanimate is one of the most potent, especially when this doubt “only makes itself felt obscurely in one’s consciousness.”{{sfn|Jentsch|1995|p=11}} Historically the machine was often seen as somehow demonic, an obscure threat disruptive of traditional social practice, but it is the machine’s relationship to the human that renders it uncanny. Whereas {{pg|474|475}}  in “the premodern instance the machine is thought to mimic the organic movements of the body,” in the modern instance “the machine becomes the model, and the body is disciplined to its mechanistic specifications.”{{sfn|Foster|1991|p=51}} In ''The Naked and the Dead'', General Cummings decides that it is “a not
entirely unproductive conceit to consider weapons as being something more
than machines, as having personalities, perhaps, likenesses to the human.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=568}} Fittingly, he also suggests that soldiers are “closer to machines than
humans.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=569}}  Battle is thus transformed from the heroic clashes of history
into “an organization of thousands of man-machines who dart with governing
habits across a field, sweat like a radiator in the sun, shiver and become
stiff like a piece of metal in the rain.” The General’s disturbing
conclusion is “[w]e are not so discrete from the machine any longer, I detect
it in my thinking.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=569}} Intellectual uncertainty between the human and
the inhuman is not merely played out on a physical level in Mailer’s novel but
has infiltrated into the very deepest recesses of personal space. The machine
is uncanny “because it assumes our human vitality and because we take on
its deathly facticity” and Mailer’s soldiers cease to “think of themselves
as individual men” becoming “merely envelopes.”{{sfn|Foster|1991|p=51}} {{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=568}}


The ability of mechanization to penetrate not just industry but impinge
As with Matthews, so too Hemingway. Indeed the commitment to subjectivity
“upon the very center of the human psyche” has significant implications
fit quite well with Hemingway’s modernist aesthetics. If Hemingway
for the human experience of warfare.{{sfn|Giedion|1948|p=41}}  General Cummings is so estranged
focused the dispatches on his perspective—on his own experience dodging
from the human that he lacks recognizable expressions and merely
artillery—more than Matthews and more than most, he did so at least partially
displays “a certain vacancy in his face.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=81}}  When this inhuman
to fulfill expectations. NANA approached him, after all, for his name
commander attempts to smile, the only result is that his face looks
and personality as much as whatever he would write. Before he even left the
“numb.” Yet this vacant cipher commands his troops with an absolute power
states it pitched him to potential publications, sending out a promotional release with text to be used alongside his forthcoming dispatches and suggesting
they have little choice but to obey. Ordered out on patrol and lit up by the
they include a photograph: “Mr. Hemingway’s assignment is to get both from the bombed towns and bombed trenches the human story of the war, not just an account of the game being played by general staffs with pins
light of a flare, the soldiers become a mass of “black cutouts moving past a
and a map.”{{sfn|NANA|1937|p=Hemingway}}{{ NANA also released each individual dispatch with a one-sentence “precede” about the “famous” or “noted” author. Ernest Hemingway was not writing as Herbert Mathews, ace reporter; Hemingway was writing as Ernest Hemingway, famous author of novels and stories well known to be drawn from his own experiences.
spotlight”, two-dimensional objects obeying orders “with no consciousness
any longer of what they were doing.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|pp=129, 131}} Even in extreme situations
they are unable to react as humans. When a Japanese soldier is caught
in a rain of bullets, he remains standing with “no expression on his face; he
looked vacant and surprised even as the bullets struck him in the chest.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=153}}
Even the bodies of the dead are inhuman, with one swollen corpse resembling
“a doll whose stuffing had broken forth.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=211}}


Mailer’s insistence on unreality is a thematic preoccupation shared by
That he understood this to be his assignment is further evidenced by a
uncanny texts, which Susan Bernstein points out frequently depict lapses of
cable Matthews sent to his Times editors on April 9, 1937, concerning the
consciousness registered as experiences of dislocation and loss of control.{{sfn|Bernstein|2003|p=1125}} {{pg|475|476}} Mailer’s soldiers know “very little about what was happening in the campaign” and the days repeat themselves without incident until they are “no longer able to distinguish between things which had happened a few days before.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=252}} This estrangement is compounded by their lack of agency within the military structure’s repetitiveness. The soldiers “stand guard at night, awaken a half hour after dawn, eat breakfast, wash their mess kits, shave, and load onto trucks” which transport them to their duties. They “return at noon, go out again after chow, and work until late afternoon when they would come back for supper, take a bath perhaps in the stream just outside the bivouac, and then go to sleep soon after dark.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=252}} These minutely observed details of military life should intensify the fictional reality; instead, the obscurely felt doubts regarding the soldiers’ human identities complicates the suspension of disbelief necessary in the reading contract. When the platoon is sent out on reconnaissance, they march in a “leaden stupor . . . without any thought of where they went, dully, stupidly.” Any empathetic response to the plights of these men rendered mechanical by war imperatives is complicated by the description of the soldiers’ heavy packs becoming “part of their bodies.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|pp=505-6}} Although metaphorical, Mailer’s strategy provokes obscure doubts regarding the status of the soldiers as “real” people, fictional ciphers or uncanny machines, and destabilizes reader response to a text that appears to be realist but which is also oddly unreal.
Loyalist attack: “WORKED CONJOINTL WITH HEMINGWAY TODAY HE SENDING EYEWITNESS DESCRIPTION WHILE EYE SENT GENERAL STRATEGY.{{sfn|Matthews|1937|p=April}} When a year later the Times asked NANA to ensure Hemingway’s reports differed from Matthews, NANA complied by asking Hemingway “to emphasize color rather than straight reporting” not necessarily out of dissatisfaction with Hemingway’s reportage as Baker contends,{{efn|Baker’s notes date the Times request to NANA as 8 Apr. 1938, and NANA’s to Hemingway as 15
Apr. 1938 (Princeton University, Firestone Library: Box 18, Folder 8 “1938”), the date of “The Bombing of Tortosa” dispatch.}} but to increase{{pg|431|432}}the chance of selling to the Times and indeed to ensure the spirit of NANA’s original arrangement with Hemingway. {{sfn|Baker|1969|p=329}}Far from dissatisfied, NANA wrote Hemingway at the end of August 1938 a letter of agreement for his coverage of “a general European war”  should it break out, “written in your colorful style” (Hemingway was in Paris, on his way to Spain for the last time during the war).{{sfn|Wheeler|1938|p=}} When Edmund Wilson criticized the selected dispatches reprinted in Fact, Hemingway wrote him that “I was paid to write what are called ‘eye witness’ accounts . . .what is called, or was asked for as ‘color stuff.’ Most of such stuff is faked. Mine was not. It was straight reporting and the personal stuff was what had been asked for by the editors. “Wilson’s estimation was also based upon Fact’s inclusion of the “The Old Man at the Bridge” story from Ken, “not a news dispatch” at all.{{sfn|Hemingway|1938|p=Edmund}} Speaking at Carnegie Hall before the showing of a rough cut of The Spanish Earth, shortly after his first trip to Spain and so very much in the context of his wartime work, Hemingway defined the writer’s problem as “project[ing] [what is true] in such a way that it becomes a part of the experience of the person who reads it.”{{sfn|Hemingway|2002|p=193}}


Mailer’s army transforms human will, autonomy and labor into a series of estrangements experienced by dehumanized cogs and the strangeness of this fictional process is intensified by the process of fiction, which necessarily
Personal, anecdotal journalism had been Hemingway’s signature style from his earliest days filing reports, in the early 1920s from Paris, when his editor at the Toronto Star Weekly “encouraged [. . .] what Hemingway did best: write about himself in the act of being a reporter.”{{sfn|Reynolds|1989|p=45}} How could he expect that NANA would expect anything else, if indeed NANA did expect anything else? In the Spanish Civil War he at least maintained his eyewitness posture; in World War II, however, he couldn’t keep himself out. His first piece, about D-Day, begins, “No one remembers the date of the Battle of Shiloh. But the day we took Fox Green beach was the sixth of June, and the wind was blowing hard out of the northwest.”{{sfn|Hemingway|1967|p=340}} His venue too—Collier’s magazine—and the fact that he had not written anything in three years further contributed to the story-like nature of the WWII stories, in which he figured as a protagonist—not to mention the stories and involvement he couldn’t write about, armed and running around France more of a free agent than his guerilla-hero Robert Jordan ever was (though he began to transform these experiences into fiction in several unpublished stories). In wartime China in 1943, filing articles for Ralph Ingersoll’s short-lived PM New York afternoon daily, Hemingway did not even care to be called a news reporter.{{sfn|Moreira|2006|p=99}}  
attempts to transform language into constructs perceived as human. The writer’s power “to alter reality in other people’s minds by the way we use words” remained an enigma for Mailer, who noted that “[d]ealing with words is a mysterious matter. It’s very insubstantial because they’re just little pieces of dark curly pigment on a white page.”{{sfn|Mailer|n.d.|p=161}}  
This “mysterious matter” sees Mailer’s text constantly veering between moments
of verisimilitude and self-reflexivity, and is the reason for the novel’s
strange preoccupation with what Freud terms “the omnipotence of thoughts.”{{sfn|Freud|1976|p=633}}  The ability to alter reality through language is even identified by Mailer as the mystery “that drove Hemingway insane.”{{sfn|Mailer|n.d.|p=161}} The soldiers’ fears regarding the omnipotence of thoughts is clearly connected with Mailer’s conscious theme of the loss of individuality, {{pg|476|477}} but is also linked to Mailer’s unconscious fears regarding his power as a writer and the threat posed to him by writing itself. Mailer explains how “a book takes on its own life in the writing” and suggests that the writer has “a certain responsibility” to a book which becomes like “a creature to you after a while.”{{sfn|Mailer|1964|p=26}}  The writer feels “a bit like a master who’s got a fine animal” and Mailer admits to often feeling “a certain shame with what I’ve done with a novel.” If Mailer feels guilty about his failure towards something raised by him “like a child” then what kind of revenge might this ill-treated novel wreak on its author?{{sfn|Mailer|1964|p=26}}


In his numerous interviews, Mailer returns time and time again to Hemingway, who represents not just a great writer but one undone by the perils of writing. The mystery identified as driving Hemingway mad poses a similar threat for Mailer, who describes craft—as opposed to “the natural
It should be mentioned that Hemingway and Matthews enjoyed a great{{pg|432|433}friendship and working relationship. Hemingway usually brought Matthews, who did not have a car, on his excursions. When Matthews left Madrid for a break in mid April 1937, he had already ensured Hemingway would provide coverage to the Times through NANA. For one thing, Hemingway did not have to worry about Matthews as a rival for the history books. He could endorse his friends’ book, Two Wars and More to Come, and praise him as “the ablest and the bravest war correspondent writing today “who “when the fakers are all dead [. . .] will be read in the schools” (Advertisement 21) because Matthews posed no threat to Hemingway’s own chances to be read in the schools.{{sfn|?}} The only brief Hemingway ever expressed he really reserved for Matthews’ editors, for not wanting his Teruel street-fighting story and for cutting references to himself in Matthews’ Teruel dispatches so that it appeared only Matthews had been there.{{sfn|Hemingway|2003|p=462}}  
mystique of the novel”—as a bulwark against “the terror of confronting a reality which might open into more and more anxiety and so present a deeper and deeper view of the abyss.{{sfn|Mailer|1964|p=30}} Reliance on craft is something Mailer attributes to mediocre writers yet he admits that “there
was a time when I wanted very much to belong to the literary world. I wanted to be respected the way someone like Katherine Ann Porter used to be . . . As a master of the craft.”{{sfn|Mailer|1964|p=29}} Mailer’s fears about writing are thus twofold: on the one hand, he fears the mystery which he believes rendered Hemingway insane; on the other hand, he fears not belonging to the literary world of the masters of craft to whom writing poses
a threat.


This discomfort with the powers of narrative plays out through the soldiers’ superstitious fears regarding death. When Gallagher flippantly comments, “You’re only gonna get your fuggin head blown off tomorrow,” he is suddenly seized with “a cold shuddering anxiety as though he had blasphemed.” As he hurriedly recites the Hail Mary, he has a vision of himself “lying on the beach with a bloody nub where his head should have been.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=7}} Similarly, when Martinez cannot stop repeating the phrase “‘I don’t care if I do die, do die,’” he is overwhelmed with certainty that “something terrible” is about to happen.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=21}} The awful “something” that constantly
As for Hemingway’s neglecting to name everyone with him for every story, the Times cutting of his name suggests that such exactitude was hardly a priority. A paper had no incentive for announcing the fact that a competitor’s
threatens the soldiers is annihilation by war and by language. Croft is convinced
correspondent stood beside its own to see and report the same
with “passionate certainty” that Hennessey will die that very
events. NANA changed at least one vague Hemingway “we,” which admits
day; when this does indeed occur, Croft becomes privy to “vistas of such omnipotence that he was afraid to consider it directly.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|pp=29, 40}} Red also {{pg|477|478}} correctly predicts, or conjures, Hennessey’s death, and interprets it not as “large and devastating and meaningless” like the deaths of his other fallen comrades, but as a death which opens “a secret fear” because it seems “so ironic, so obvious, when he remembered the things Hennessey had said.” Red finds himself at the edge of a “bottomless dread” thinking about a death seemingly caused by his thoughts and Hennessey’s words.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=123}}  When he remembers the moment he knew his friend would die, he experiences “a moment of awe and panic as if someone, ''something'', had been watching over their shoulder that night and laughing. There was a pattern where there shouldn’t be one.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=39}}
to the presence of others, to “this correspondent”
—we can hardly fault Hemingway for working in the spirit of his
employer’s standards.{{sfn|NANA|1938|p=American Veterans}}{{efn|“we” in typescript and radiogram (Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin: Ernest Hemingway Collection Box 1 Folder 1 and Folder 25).}} Do readers care that Matthews, Delmer, Gellhorn,
and others were there? The story’s effect and the limited word count also
weighed against such roll calls. One editor chose not to clutter the dispatch
on the great retreat across the Ebro with all the names of the American International Brigade volunteers Hemingway encountered, an omission of
Content more far serious than that of omitted correspondent names.{{efn| Radiogram insert dateline 4 April 1938 (HRC: Ernest Hemingway Collection Box 1 Folder 25).}} Hemingway
often gave the names of the reporters with him, such as at Teruel;
nor was he the only reporter to sometimes neglect to do so. Martha Gellhorn,
for example, used a vague “we” and singled herself out as the primary
participant in some of her stories.  


Death is the hidden secret that lies at the heart of the uncanny. Uncertainties
By using first-person reportage Hemingway—and Matthews and Gellhorn And most of the group covering the war—were operating solidly within
regarding what is animate or inanimate, real or unreal, self or
convention. William Stott, in Documentary Expression and Thirties America,
other, are uncanny not merely because of a discomforting blurring of
calls this first-person participant observer technique “the most common sort
boundaries, but because these liminal areas evoke the nothingness of unbeing.
of documentary reportage in the thirties” that worked “by vicarious persuasion:
During Minetta’s stay in hospital, his proximity to damaged bodies
the writer partook of the events he reported and bared his feelings
and corpses renders death “almost tangible.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=363}} Whereas death had once
and attitudes to influence the reader’s own.”{{sfn|Stott|1986|pp=178-9}}{{efn|He specifically includes Hemingway et al (180).}} Stott also observes {{pg|433|434}}another technique to enable documentary reportage to “talk to us, and convince us that we, our deepest interests, are engaged,” in the use of the second person: “Thirties documentaries constantly address ‘you,the ‘you’ who is we the audience, and exhorts, wheedles, begs us to identify, pity, participate.” His examples include Dorothy Parker’s Spanish Civil War writing, and Hemingway’s 1935 “First-Hand Report on the Florida Hurricane.”{{sfn|Stott|1986|pp=27-8}} A number of Hemingway’s NANA dispatches employ the second-person as a way of bringing the reader along for the ride.
been unreal, “the way a man’s face may sometimes seem unreal if he gazes
at it too long in the mirror”, Minetta is faced with death’s reality so
viscerally that he becomes “afraid to breathe, as if the air were polluted.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|pp=355, 363}} He wonders, “How do they expect a guy to stay here, after some poor
Joe died right next to you?”, a query reflecting not just the difficulty
of repressing knowledge of death while in close proximity to it, but which
also reveals a deeper fear regarding the menace posed to the living by the
dead.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=365}} When Gallagher receives news from America that his wife has died
during childbirth, although he keeps repeating to himself “[s]he’s dead,
she’s dead,” he is unable to really believe it.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=280}}  As if in confirmation of
Gallagher’s sense of his wife’s continuing existence, the delays of the postal
system result in her letters continuing to arrive. Understandably unnerved
by these spectral communications, Gallagher is even more horrified by the
arrival of the final letter since it is the true harbinger of Mary’s death. Upon
taking it to the beach to read, Gallagher experiences a “jolt of horror”
ostensibly inspired by the strange reptilian sheen of the giant kelp but
which seems more likely to stem from his close encounter with death that
takes place beside it.{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=284}}  Gallagher controls his communion with the dead by
insisting that is it the kelp that frightens him rather than his experience of
a communication that seems to transcend the boundaries between the living and the dead.{{pg|478|479}} Mailer’s insistence on the soldiers’ dehumanization reflects acceptable postwar fears regarding conformity and corporatization, but also offers a critique of the processes through which violence to the human body is normalized during periods of war. Mailer’s over-elaboration of this motif registers as particularly uncanny. The repetition of mechanical descriptions renders description itself mechanical, sapping imagery of meaning and miring interpretation in a confusing space where familiar literary conventions have become strangely unfamiliar. The novel ends with yet another insistence on the unreality of war when the soldiers realize that “tomorrow the endless routine of harsh eventless days would begin once more.” The final disastrous patrol is “unfamiliar, unbelievable,” yet the bivouac before them is also “unreal.” Finally, Mailer suggests, “everything in the Army was unreal.”{{sfn|Mailer|1948|p=709}} This constant reiteration regarding the unreality of war acts as a comment on psychological coping mechanisms during combat but it also reveals something of Mailer’s inability to cope with his material.


For any reader versed in the events of the war, never mentioned yet never
Hemingway’s dispatches used personal pronouns more artfully than is
entirely banished from the novel is the fact that the conflict Mailer describes
generally recognized. “A New Kind of War,” which William Braasch Watson
will soon result in the detonation of the atomic bomb over Hiroshima and
notes as having been “[w]ritten with more care and imagination” than its
Nagasaki. The bomb is nowhere in the text but resides in what might be thought of as the text’s unconscious; in the spaces created between a reader’s
predecessors, begins in second person: “The window of the hotel is open
knowledge and what the text depicts. Nagaoka Hiroyoshi defines atomic bomb literature as expressing the evil of the bomb and the survival of human
and, as you lie in bed, you hear the firing in the front line seventeen blocks
dignity,{{sfn|Treat|1995|p=20}} a paradigm that obviously puts an American writer in an ambiguous position. Most American writers who did write about the
away.{{sfn|Watson|1988|p=29}} He takes “you” outside, to see the damage and the dead from the bombing. “Someone makes a joke about missing teeth and someone else says not to make that joke. And everyone has the feeling that characterizes war. It wasn’t me, see? It wasn’t me.{{sfn|Watson|1988|p=30}} The tension between the first person and second-person pronouns—the movement toward identification with “you” and the insistence that “it wasn’t me”—continues in the next line. Here the reader is at once still in the narrator’s shoes, but strangely distanced from the narrator through biographical tidbit and, at the same time, asked
bomb in its immediate aftermath thus avoided its military application in favor of imagining its more benevolent role in a future utopia. Writers such
to see himself in the enemy: “The Italian dead up on the Guadalajara weren’t
as Morris Ernst, whose 1955 book ''Utopia 1976'' promised a pleasing future of
you although Italian dead, because of where you had spent your boyhood,
atomic power, envisaged a world in which nuclear technology would provide
always seemed, still, like Our Dead.”{{sfn|Watson|1988|p=30}} It is worth quoting at length the dispatch’s transition to first person:
unlimited energy, control the weather, manufacture germ-free foods, provide
medical cures and revolutionize agricultural practice. Boyer argues that
utopian dreams of a new world of atomic energy were a way of avoiding the
unsettling reality of America’s use of atomic bombs to obliterate entire populations.{{sfn|Boyer|1985|p=122}} Such utopian dreams of the future “facilitated the process by which Americans absorbed Hiroshima and Nagasaki into their moral history.”{{sfn|Boyer|1985|p=124}}  


Mailer’s reluctance to describe the deaths of the Japanese soldiers as real—resorting to imagery of dolls and insects to describe their corpses—is thus {{pg|479|480}} particularly revealing. Theme chanization of Mailer’s soldiers becomes even more relevant in this context, since the destruction and death meted out by the Second World War comes not from human hands but from technology. Although Mailer does his best to focus on the issues that concerned Cold War America by using the war as a fictional trope through which the country’s changing socio-political physiognomy can be examined, he cannot entirely avoid gesturing towards the abyss of total war and mass death. The dark secret hidden at the heart of mid-twentieth century life—the atomic bomb—stages an uncanny return through Mailer’s strangely mechanical soldiers, resulting in a novel that both avoids and highlights the terrifying inhumanity of World War II.
{{quote|After the shell that lit on the sidewalk in front of the hotel you got
a beautiful double corner room on that side, twice the size of the
one you’d had, for less than a dollar. It wasn’t me they killed. See?
No. Not me. It wasn’t me anymore.
Then in a hospital given by the American Friends of Spanish
Democracy located out behind the Morata front along the road
to Valencia they said, “Raven wants to see you.”
“Do I know him?”
“I don’t think so,” they said. “But he wants to see you.”
“Where is he?”
“Upstairs.”{{pg|434|435}}
In the room upstairs they are giving a blood transfusion to a
man with a very gray face who lay on a cot with his arm out looking
away from the gurgling bottle and moaning in a very impersonal
way. He moaned mechanically and at regular intervals and
it did not seem to be him that made the sound. His lips did not
move.
“Where’s Raven?” I asked.
“I’m here,” said Raven.{{sfn|Watson|1988|p=31}} }}
The piece simply could not have sustained the second-person for the remaining
five pages. More significantly, for this deeply personal exchange between
the writer and the faceless, eyeless soldier, Hemingway could not hide
in the rhetorical device of the second-person. In the process, he effects a reversal
of the usual pronoun game; instead of identifying with the all embracing
“you,” we leave that trick behind and become fully attached to
the narratorial “I” as ourselves, as we might not have been had the article
begun in the first person. And even as the narrator identifies himself by name
for the only time in any of the dispatches—“Hemingway,” and later
“Ernest”—as decidedly not ourselves. We do not say, It isn’t me. The historian
Hugh Thomas notes “the refreshing candour” of Hemingway’s naming
himself “in the world of the International Brigades, where no one’s name
seemed to be truthfully given.”{{sfn|Thomas|2001|p=591}}{{efn|For Watson, the dispatch “seems, in fact, on the verge of becoming a story” (29).}}


== Notes ==
A year later Hemingway’s “Tortosa Calmly Awaits Assault” resists admitting
{{notelist}}
the city’s imminent fall. Yet it does so anyway, by subtly alluding to the
wartime rhetoric of sacrificed blood irrigating the earth and rejuvenating
Spain. Such rhetoric was common during the war, appearing in speeches,
print, and poetry. Many of the poems in Cary Nelson’s anthology The Wound
and the Dream: Sixty Years of American Poems about the Civil War join in the
Spanish and international chorus’s general connection between Republican
soldiers and the land, and the particular singing of their dead nourishing
the land. We find such language in La Pasionaria’s farewell address to the International Brigades, her epilogue to The Book of the XV Brigade, and Hemingway’s famous eulogy “On the American Dead in Spain”: “For our dead are
a part of the earth of Spain now and the earth of Spain can never die. Each
winter it will seem to die and each spring it will come alive again. Our dead
will live with it forever.”{{sfn|Nelson|1994|p=3}}{{efn| Reprinted in Bruccoli 76 and Nelson, Remembering 37 (the drafts at the JFK are titled “The Dead at Jarama”). In addition to the poems in Nelson’s anthology, see the excerpt from Boris Todrin’s “Spanish Sowing” in Guttmann (Wounded 179–180).}} The Tortosa dispatch implies the deaths of
 
cover the war and support the cause—a justification other journalists, those
who did not return after the spring of 1937, did not enjoy. In his mind too,
knowing what he heard of fascist atrocities, any reportage against the government
lessening its chances of victory through killing hopes of increased
international aid would have led to more deaths at Franco’s hands that the
much smaller number inspired by fifth column paranoia.12
 
The accusation that Hemingway did not write about Republican atrocities
because he was saving it for his fiction I find baseless (Knightley 232;
Baker 402).{{sfn|Knightley|2004|p=232}}{{sfn|Baker|1969|p=402}}{{efn|Hemingway’s casual comment to colleagues calling dibs on Pepe Quintanilla, the executioner of
Madrid, is not sufficient evidence.}}Carolyn Moorehead, in her biography of Martha Gellhorn, describes
the climate for the Madrid correspondents that first spring: “And so,
day by day, the correspondents walked a thin and nervous line between truth,
evasions, and propaganda, telling one another that though it was not all right
if things were made up and presented as true, it was acceptable to describe
what you wanted, provided it was true and provided your readers were aware
of your position.”{{sfn|Moorehead|2003|p=125}} My own sense is that they did not walk the line quite
so nervously; their passionate commitment, and their principles of position
disclosure and the eyewitness standard, made that walk relatively easy.
 
The problem of committed journalism, even sixty years later, has not been
resolved—as anyone paying attention to the media and world affairs well
knows. One person’s truth is another person’s propaganda. Certainly, as
Knightley notes, reporting from “the heart” affects one’s judgment.{{sfn|Knightley|2004|pp=234-5}}
Yet to attempt “balance,” per the edits to Matthews’ Guadalajara piece, betrays
one’s believed truth. Furthermore, the kind of reporting done by the
correspondents with the Republic—committed, one-sided, optimistic,
heroic, human interest work by embedded writers—would be practiced
widely and without reserve during World War II. Such narrative journalism,
with roots in Louise May Alcott’s “Hospital Sketches” series published in the
Boston Commonwealth, and more immediately in 1930s social documentary
writing whose “essence” is “not information”, anticipated postwar
new journalism’s adoption of novelistic narrative technique for nonfiction
which culminated with such wartime books as Norman Mailer’s Armies of
the Night and Michael Herr’s Dispatches.{{sfn|Stott|1986|p=11}} Some of Hemingway’s NANA dispatches
fall in this line of development.
 
Today we might categorize such writing under the awkward umbrella
term creative nonfiction. That term certainly fits the mixed bag of nonfiction
narratives and commentaries Hemingway published during the war in
Ken magazine. These pieces are essays, not journalism, several of which{{pg|439|440}}
 
directly appeal for support for the Republic, and most of which really deal
with the approaching world war. Ken wanted “precisely the kind of opinion
articles he could not write for NANA.”{{sfn|Donaldson|2009|p=433}} His article, “The
Cardinal Picks a Winner,” shows a photo of a row of dead children from
Barcelona and another one with Nationalist officers saluting and Catholic officials
with raised hands, apparently making the fascist salute as well. He
ends ironically: “So I don’t believe the people shown in the photo can really
be making it. I would rather prefer to think that the photograph was faked.”
{{sfn|Donaldson|2009|p=436}} When Hemingway argues in “A Program for U.S. Realism” that the
United States should stay out of the next war except to stuff its pockets
through arms sales, one has to wonder, given his call and the democratic nations’
failure to save Spain, if we are to sniff sarcasm here.
 
The language of the dispatches, with their corrective intent against
Franco’s propaganda, does risk propagandizing. Hemingway’s optimism and
anti-fascism certainly colored his correspondence work. His criticism of the
anarchist and POUM militia for their inactivity on the Aragon front, for example,
sounds a lot like the Spanish Communist Party’s.{{efn|It at least sounds almost exactly like Dolores Ibarruri in her memoir. To the anarchists’ complaint
that they had no arms, she retorts “that they had more arms than did many other fronts. . . .
What they didn’t have and what they were constantly demanding were airplanes and tanks .And
they didn’t have them because the Republic government didn’t have them either, except for those
it received as aid from the Soviet Union” (238–284). Yet the various Catalonia militia were not
as well equipped with small arms as the more regular Popular Army units, and because of the
terrain tanks and planes were in fact necessary.}}
But unlike
Matthews, Hemingway limited his reports within the Republic to military
matters. Hemingway may have generally condemned the anarchists in his
nonfiction, considering their activity as hampering the war effort, but he
never repeated the accusation of their collaboration with the rebels, as
Matthews had done. And when Hemingway commented on the Bareclona
crisis, he referred only to the government—not the communists, as
Matthews had done.{{efn|Hemingway’s comments in “Hemingway, en Route Home Expects Loyalists to Win” NANA staff
correspondent dispatch. Though arguably he was propagandizing by hiding the communist influence—
to mention the communists to an American audience would not gain sympathy for the
cause.}}Nor did he write articles asserting the limited role of
the communists in the government, or explaining Spanish anarchism, also
as Matthews had done.{{efn|An article on the communists’ limited role appeared in late November 1937, as discussed in a
missive from The Ambassador in Spain (Bowers), then in France, to the Secretary of State on 2
Dec. 1937 (United States 461). Matthews’ “Anarchism: Spain’s Enigma” appeared in the New York
Times 22 Aug. 1937: 6, 14.}}
 
During one of Hemingway’s stateside breaks between trips to Spain, his
children asked if he was a “tool” of Stalin, an accusation tossed by a schoolmate
who, presumably parroting his or her parents, probably understood
the term no better than Hemingway’s children. {{sfn|Hemingway|nd|p=}}
Hemingway believed in the Republic’s potential, but he was never a dupe of
the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) or Comintern. As did many others, he
accepted PCE’s presence in the government for its discipline and organization
toward winning the war, and he understood the material necessity for
Comintern’s support. It should also be noted, as historians Hugh Thomas
and Helen Graham have reminded us, that the communism associated with
the Republic wasn’t particularly communist anyway.{{sfn|Thomas|2001|p=628}}{{sfn|Graham|2002|p=184}} {{pg|440|441}}
 
Hemingway declined to follow Joris Ivens’ suggestion that he write a
dispatch on the significant role of the political commissars in the Republican
military, even though that would have meant
featuring his brave new friend Gustav Regler.{{sfn|Ivens|1969|p=}} Hemingway also, in a letter
justifying his work to Jack Wheeler at NANA, wrote about choosing not to
send a dispatch he had written because it might strike readers as propaganda
“no matter how true” (Letter to Jack Wheeler).{{sfn|Hemingway|1938b|p=}}
 
Hemingway went to Spain to see the war himself and to support the Republic
through his ambulance fund. The paychecks from NANA and the
fundraising from The Spanish Earth helped. Whatever propagandistic streak
colors the dispatches pales in comparison to the documentary. The filmmaker,
Joris Ivens, was well established in European communist circles. The
documentary genre then and now has occupied a slippery position between
the extremes of impossible-to-achieve empirical nonfiction and of the outright
fictionalized. Evaluations of Hemingway’s journalism are informed by
knowledge of The Spanish Earth and the Ken essays to the detriment of the
journalism. And the very nature of the slippery documentary genre may enable
the film to escape opprobrium. It wasn’t reportage; it was altogether
something else. But for that matter, Hemingway’s dispatches weren’t purely
reportage either, and if not altogether something else, still something else,
and should be reckoned with accordingly.
 
 
===Works Cited===
* {{cite book
|last=Bruccoli |first=Matthew |date=2006 |title=Hemingway and the Mechanism of Fame |url= |location=Columbia |publisher=U of South Caronia P |pages= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Cowles |first=Virginia |date=1941 |title=Looking for Trouble |url= |location=New York
|publisher=Harper & Brothers |pages= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite journal |last=Davison |first=Richard Allan |title=The Publication of Hemingway’s The Spanish Earth: An Untold Story |url= |journal=Hemingway Review
|volume=7.2 |issue= |date=1988
|pages=122-130 |access-date= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Donaldson
|first=Scott |date=2009 |title=Fitzgerald & Hemingway: Works and Days |url= |location=New York |publisher=Columbia UP |pages= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Franklin |first=Sidney |date=1952 |title=Bullfighter from Brooklyn |url= |location=New York |publisher=Prentice-Hall |pages= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Graham |first=Helen |date=2002 |title=The Spanish Republic at War 1936-1939 |url= |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge UP |pages= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Guttmann |first=Allen |date=1962 |title=The Wound in the Heart: American and the Spanish Civil War |url= |location=New York |publisher=Free Press of Glencoe |pages= |ref=harv }}
* {{cite book |last=Hemingway |first=Ernest |date=1967 |title=By-Line: Ernest Hemingway |url= |location=New York |publisher=Scibner |pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite journal
|last=Hemingway
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|title=Fascism is a Lie
|url=
|journal=Ernest Hemingway: A Literary Reference |volume==
|issue=
|date=2002
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|location=New York
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|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
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|first=Ernest
|author-mask=1
|date=10 May 1937
|chapter=Hemingway, en Route Home Expects Loyalists to Win
|title=TS. Ernest Hemingway Collection
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=  
|pages=  
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Hemingway
|first=Ernest
|author-mask=1
|date=nd
|chapter=The Home Front
|title=TS. Ernest Hemingway Collection
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Hemingway
|first=Ernest
|author-mask=1
|date=10 Dec 1938
|chapter=Letter to Edmund Wilson
|title=TS. Ernest Hemingway Collection
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Hemingway
|first=Ernest
|author-mask=1
|date=2 June 1938
|chapter=Letter to Jack Wheeler
|title=TS. Ernest Hemingway Collection
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Hemingway
|first=Ernest
|author-mask=1
|date=14 Feb 1939
|chapter=On the American Dead in Spain
|title=TS. New Masses
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=
|pages=3
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Hemingway
|first=Ernest
|editor-last=Baker
|editor-first=Carlos
|author-mask=1
|date=2003
|chapter=The Hadely Mowrer
|title=Ernest Hemingway: Selected Letters, 1917-1961
|url=
|location=New York
|publisher=Scribner
|pages=462-3
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Ibarruri
|first=Dolores
|date=1966
|title=They Shall Not Pass: The Autobiography of La Pasionaria
|url=
|location=United States
|publisher=International Publishers
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Ivens
|first=Joris
|date=1969
|title=The Camera and I
|url=
|location=New York
|publisher=International Publishers
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Ivens
|first=Joris
|author-mask=1
|date=26 Apr 1937
|chapter=Letter to Ernest Hemingway
|title=MS. Ernest Hemingway Collection
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=James
|first=Edwin
|date=20 Nov 1937
|chapter=Letter to Bertrand Weaver
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 4
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=James
|first=Edwin
|author-mask=1
|date=12 Oct 1937
|chapter=Letter to Herbert Matthews
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 10
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=James
|first=Edwin
|author-mask=1
|date=25 Apr 1939
|chapter=Letter to M.B. Tenney
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 10
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=James
|first=Edwin
|author-mask=1
|date=23 Apr 1937
|chapter=Letter to Sulzberger
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 3
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Knightley
|first=Phillip
|date=2004
|title=The First Casualty: The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Iraq
|url=
|location=Baltimore
|publisher=John Hopkins
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Matthews
|first=Herbert
|author-mask=
|date=9 Apr 1937
|chapter=Letter to Edwin James
|title=TS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 3
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Matthews
|first=Herbert
|author-mask=1
|date=11 Apr 1937
|chapter=Letter to Edwin James
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 3
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Matthews
|first=Herbert
|author-mask=1
|date=6 July 1937
|chapter=Letter to Edwin James
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 3
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Matthews
|first=Herbert
|author-mask=1
|date=July 1937
|chapter=Letter to Edwin James
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection,  Box 1 Folder 4
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Matthews
|first=Herbert
|author-mask=1
|date=22 March 1939
|chapter=Letter to Sulzberger
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 9
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=McCaw
|first=Raymond
|author-mask=
|date=20 May 1937
|chapter=Letter to Edwin James
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 3
|url=
|location=Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=McCaw
|first=Raymond
|author-mask=1
|date=20 Dec 1937
|chapter=Letter to Edwin James
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 5
|url=
|location=Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=McCaw
|first=Raymond
|author-mask=1
|date=23 Sep 1937
|chapter=Note to Herbert Matthews
|title=MS. Herbert Matthews Collection, Box 1 Folder 4
|url=
|location= Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Moorehead
|first=Caroline
|date=2003
|title=Gellhorn: A Twentieth-Century Life
|url=
|location=New York
|publisher=Henry Holt
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Moreira
|first=Peter
|date=2006
|title=Hemingway on the China Front: His WWII Spy Mission with Martha Gellhorn
|url=
|location=Washington D.C.
|publisher=Potomac Books
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=NANA
|first=
|date=5 Feb 1937
|chapter=Promotion Box: Hemingway, For Immediate Release
|title=TS. Ernest Hemingway Collection
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=NANA
|first=
|author-mask=1
|date=4 Apr 1938
|chapter=Promotion Box: American Veterans Tell of Escaping Insurgents
|title=TS. Ernest Hemingway Collection
|url=
|location=John F. Kennedy Library, Boston
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|editor-last=Nelson
|editor-first=Card
|date=1994
|title=Remembering Spain: Hemingway’s Civil War Eulogy and the Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade
|url=
|location=Urbana
|publisher=U of Illinois
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Reynolds
|first=Michael
|date=1989
|title=Hemingway: The Paris Years
|url=
|location=New York
|publisher=Norton
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Stott
|first=William
|date=1986
|title=Documentary Expression and Thirties America
|url=
|location=Chicago
|publisher=U of Chicago P
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Thomas
|first=Hugh
|date=2001
|title=The Spanish Civil War, Rev. ed. 
|url=
|location=New York
|publisher=Modern Library 
|pages=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite magazine
|last=''Two Wars and More to Come''
|first=
|date=24 Jan 1938
|title=Best Sellers of the Week Here and Elsewhere
|type=Advertisement
|url=
|magazine=New York Times
|pages=
|access-date=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite journal
|last=
|first=
|title=United States. Dept. of State
|url=
|journal= Foreign Relations of the Untied States, 1937  |volume==1
|issue=General
|date=1954
|pages=
|location=Washington
|publisher=GPO
|access-date=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite journal
|last=Watson
|first=William Braasch
|title=Hemingway’s Spanish Civil War Dispatches
|url=
|journal=The Hemingway Review |volume==7.2
|issue=
|date=1988
|pages=4-121
|access-date=
|ref=harv }}
* {{cite book
|last=Wheeler
|first=John H.
|author-mask=1
|date=10 Dec 1938
|chapter=Letter to Hemingway
|title=MS. Ernest Hemingway Collection, Box 3 Folder 14
|url=
|location=Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas-Austin
|publisher=
|pages=
|ref=harv }}