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America. Contemporary reviewers were generous with their praise. The | America. Contemporary reviewers were generous with their praise. The | ||
{{pg|491|492}} | {{pg|491|492}} | ||
''London Magazine'' named him “the best living writer of English prose."{{sfn|Bergonzi|1968|p=100}} Others saw ''Armies'' saw as a monumental book, “a literary act | |||
whose significance is certain to grow."{{sfn|Gilman|1968|p=27}} One way the book could | |||
live on was through the reactions of its readers. | |||
Not only was ''Armies'' about politics, but the novel stood as a statement of | |||
the relationship between literature and politics. To ignore politics, for the novelist, is an error. Mailer must speak politically, for “the separation of the | |||
literary and political horizons is a mute acceptance of the structures through | |||
which power is exercised."{{sfn|Schueller|1992|p=127}} Whether his novel convinced one | |||
single person to join the anti-war cause or not, it was a necessary testimony. Simply by representing the happenings of the anti-war movement in narrative | |||
form, Mailer made a new current in American politics. Perhaps Mailer | |||
understood the inescapability of politics, for as an activist author he could | |||
not “dissociate himself from the social contexts through which he speaks."{{sfn|Schueller|1992|p=125}} His story would be null without its complex entanglement with real political struggle. | |||
A contemporary review of ''Armies'' in ''The Nation'' called it “a permanent contribution to our literature—a unique testimony to literary responsiveness and responsibility”{{sfn|Trachtenberg|1968|p=702}}; certainly, Mailer was responding to | |||
important political phenomena that had not received sustained literary attention. | |||
His writing about the rifts within the tumultuous New Left, the division | |||
between Americans for and against the war, and the response of | |||
government and the press to the anti-war movement did delineate important | |||
political issues that needed to be aired. Mailer did not shy away from critique of the government or the media or of himself in order to tell the story of those in the anti-war movement. | |||
Mailer’s novel represents a catalyst for social change through its introduction | |||
of an anti-war subculture to a popular audience. Mailer speaks candidly | |||
about his intentions: “I was trying to bring a consciousness to America | |||
about the war in Vietnam. . . . I think the effect of the book was to make resistance to the war in Vietnam a little more human to people who were still supporting the war. So, yes, I think the book did have a political effect. Maybe it tended to strengthen the side opposed to the war in Vietnam."{{sfn|Mailer|1982|p=220}} Jason Epstein recalls ''Armies'' as a book “meant to rally or produce a political reaction”{{sfn|Manso|1985|p=470}}; a strong argument can be made for the fact that Mailer meant to catalyze his readers. He attested to the disorganization | |||
and dissension within the anti-war camp, but more vigorously{{pg|492|493}} | |||
showed the misrepresentation, defamation, and even the physical denigration | |||
of the activists. His argument for peace in Vietnam gained stature because he was a bona fide activist for the cause, facing arrest to further the significance of his protest. He was there, present at the march, and authenticated his action by telling the story of the march. ''The Armies of the Night'' exists as a testament to the anti-war movement and to the efficacy of civil disobedience. | |||
===Citations=== | ===Citations=== | ||